Drawing on Politics

One editorial cartoonist during the American occupation of Japan, Kon Shimizu, noted that his own and fellow cartoonist’s work were not so much “political,” as passively “about the political world.” “With but occasional exceptions, they offered no sustained political vision, no biting critique of the misuses of power and authority, no cosmopolitan world view,” wrote historian John Dower in his account of the period, “Embracing Defeat.”

Over half a century on, has much changed? In one sense, no. Editorial cartoonists might aim to make politics more interesting or more understandable — perhaps even more fun — but rarely express strong political opinions.

Change has come, however, to Japan’s manga industry — now a major cultural force. Million-selling (sometimes tens-of-million-selling) manga artists draw on anything and everything. And as their readership ages, artists are feeding a burgeoning demand for manga on “serious” topics. A few series even focus directly on the political process; many more touch on political issues.

Ofer Feldman, a professor of political psychology at Doshisha University in Kyoto, did a study of 1,533 political cartoons from The Asahi Shimbun and Yomiuri Shimbun dailies in the 1980s and ‘90s. Typically, he said, a Japanese political cartoon illustrated the day’s political coverage and “reflect[ed] the political mood or the social mood in a picture.”

Cartoonists squeeze their interpretation of the day’s politicking into a single frame through a variety of visual shorthand. A politician seen washing their feet in a cartoon would be a reference to someone trying to “wash their hands of something,” or put an unpleasant past behind them. Other symbols are common to both story manga and editorial cartoons; for example, politicians are often shown with beads of sweat on their temples — an anxious “cold sweat.”

There is a danger that those symbols and the intrinsic complexity of Japanese politics can make editorial cartoons abstruse. But cartoonist Yoshito Kawanishi, whose work is featured in the Yomiuri Shimbun, has little time for cartoonists who only draw for the political cognoscenti. “I don’t particularly think that my cartoons are what the world would call ‘satirical’,” he said. “For me, it’s better to put the significance of politics in a light form where it will become enjoyable, [not just] for people who have knowledge of politics.” Each day he receives an early copy of the day’s newspaper and then draws up to three or four draft cartoons on stories that catch his fancy. The newspaper then selects one for printing. Kawanishi deliberately draws in an approachable style, so much so that he’s been told that “all the politicians end up looking like children,” in his cartoons. Asked if that might trivialize politics, he is quick to stress that “just because the faces look cute, doesn’t mean they get lenient treatment in the cartoon.”

Andrew Skinner, a Canadian political cartoonist based in Tokyo, draws on a range of subjects and Japanese public figures. But he notes that other editorial cartoons in Japan tend to feature politicians, most often the prime minister. “In North America, a political cartoon could be on just about anything,” he said. “It could be on Michael Jackson hanging a baby out of the window. But with a Japanese political cartoon they seem to be always on the prime minister.”

Ofer Feldman found that prime ministers were portrayed in 48 percent of the cartoons he studied. They were drawn as “ugly, feeble, unhealthy, made disastrous errors, and [were] always worried and defeated. [They] tried in vain to climb steep mountains, traverse a desert in blazing summer, or cross a street in a typhoon with an umbrella full of holes.” As time went on in each premiership, prime ministers were portrayed as having less power, less confidence and less morality. If ordinary Japanese people appeared in cartoons, they tended to be depicted as “disinterested in the political process.”

The parameters of editorial cartoons in Japan appear firmly fixed — what Feldman calls “a priori self-censorship.” Controversial new religion “Soka Gakkai” never gets a mention, despite the prominence of its political wing Komeito. The relationship between politicians and the Yakuza is left alone. “If they write a cartoon about rightists, the following morning there will be a bomb in the editorial office,” joked Feldman.

Some subjects just aren’t suitable for “gag” cartoons, said cartoonist Kawanishi. He never draws victims of crime and misfortune, feeling that it would be disrespectful. He once drew a cartoon of the emperor for a cartoon magazine, but was asked to alter his copy. “I don’t particularly avoid drawing the emperor,” said Kawanishi of his work for the Yomiuri. “It’s just that the emperor is outside the political world. I don’t need to draw him.”

In contrast, the huge Japanese manga world has few constraints other than the whims of a fickle readership. Since modern manga first appeared in the early post-war years, the average age of the readership has crept upwards and the medium has matured. Some multi-million-selling manga artists now boast the kind of influence that many political commentators and well-known journalists could only dream of.

Kaiji Kawaguchi is one of Japan’s best-known manga artists. His adventure stories often touch on controversial issues affecting Japanese politics and foreign policy. Fifty million installments of his submarine adventure “Chinmoku no Kantai” (Silent Service) have been sold. One of his two on-going series, “Zipang,” features a modern self-defense force ship inexplicably transported back to the middle of the Pacific war. There the crew comes face to face with the reality of Japanese military history. His other series, “Taiyo no Mokujiroku” (A Spirit of the Sun), portrays a Japan devastated by earthquakes and volcanic eruptions and forced to reluctantly seek help from neighbors and allies.

Despite its sometimes contentious subject matter, Kawaguchi denies his manga is “political.” “At the end of the day it is made up,” he said. All he can do is provide a “stimulus” for readers who might go on to explore issues for themselves. “I want them to think that history is interesting,” he said. In any case, he argues that the manga business is unforgiving to artists who force their opinions on readers. “Above all, you can’t go and put anything in the manga that the readers don’t want,” he said. “They won’t buy the manga.”

Manga artist Kenshi Hirokane, however, is open about his political intent. He said that he even knows Diet members who decided to enter politics after reading one of his manga series. “Kaji Ryusuke no Gi” (Ryusuke Kaji’s Duty) follows the career of an idealistic young politician, and Hirokane set out his manifesto on the manga’s flyleaf: “In this work I want to portray not just the negative side of politicians, but also show their honest side in a fair way with exaggeration or omission.” This is perhaps no mean task considering the speckled reputation of politicians in Japan. Another manga series on Japanese politics, “Hyoden no Torakuta” (Constituency Tractor) by Kenny Nabeshima and Tsukasa Maekawa, focuses squarely on Japan’s pork-barrel politics. The satirical manga’s hero is a young political secretary with exceptional money-gathering skills.

Hirokane also still draws an extremely successful salary-man drama, begun 20 years ago as “Kacho Shima Kosaku” (Section Chief Kosaku Shima). Since then Shima has been promoted to Executive Managing Director and sent to China, which recently allowed Hirokane to deal with the highly controversial anti-Japan protests in Chinese cities. A popular authority on Japanese business culture, Hirokane also sat on a committee this summer to decide the name for the government’s energy-saving new business dress code, “Cool Biz.”

But isn’t there a risk that the ubiquity of manga in Japanese culture can lead to a kind of “dumbing down”? “Manga are a great way to soak up information,” said Frederik L. Schodt author of “Manga! Manga!” and “Dreamland Japan,” “[but] readers need to balance what they get from manga with information from more traditional media too.” He pointed out that even the most realistic and serious manga lack established journalistic standards. “Unlike film and text articles or books, manga that deal with serious subjects are still manga, i.e. they have at their core the concepts of deformation and exaggeration.”

Editorial cartoonists like Yoshito Kawanishi attempt to catch the interest of Japan’s disenchanted electorate. “I hope that more people will become interested in politics through my cartoons. If that leads to public discussion or voting in elections… I can generate some social meaning for cartoons.” But how can single frame political cartoons, or even political editorials for that matter, compete with tens-of-million-selling, thousands-of-page-long manga blockbusters?

And while there is a clear demand for manga to address serious topics, as yet very few artists openly aspire to the role of opinion-former. As Koji Tabuchi, a senior editor at manga publisher Kodansha Ltd. put it: “It’s better to think of manga as show business rather than journalism.”

Mainstream Press Won't Engage in Okinawa Debate

When Okinawa was turned into a killing field following the U.S. invasion of the island April 1, 1945, Fumiko Nakamura, who lived in Kawasaki, near Tokyo, constantly combed through newspaper articles to get information about the three-month-long battle raging on her homeland. She couldn’t find anything.

It’s no surprise that the state-controlled media didn’t run any negative articles about the Japanese Imperial Army. The subtropical island was believed by many to be sacrificed by the Japanese government to protect Japan’s mainland.

“I heard Okinawa became a battlefield, but I did not find anything about it in newspapers,” recalled Nakamura, a 91-year-old peace activist who now lives in Naha, the island’s capital.

That has not changed much today, as the issues regarding the U.S. military presence on the island are downplayed and even ignored by the media outside Okinawa, according to many residents and experts who saw outside coverage of a U.S. military helicopter crash on the island last August as a prime example.

Soon after the CH-53D chopper crashed into a building at the Okinawa International University adjacent to U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma on Aug. 13, 2004, extra editions with screaming headlines about the crash were distributed in the streets by two local newspapers on the island — the Okinawa Times and the Ryukyu Shimpo.

The crash, which injured three crew members and damaged the school building, coincided with the opening day of the 2004 Olympic Games in Athens and the resignation of Tsuneo Watanabe, the owner of the Yomiuri Giants, Japan’s professional baseball team owned by the major daily the Yomiuri Shimbun. The media’s coverage of these two news events was larger than that of the accident, according to Sociology Professor Masaie Ishihara and four other researchers at the Institute of Ryukyuan Culture at the Okinawa International University.

In order to determine what type of coverage the crash received outside of Okinawa, Isihara’s group sent out questionnaires to 80 newspapers, radio and television broadcasters and Tokyo bureaus of some foreign media, 46 of which responded. They found that the mainstream media downplayed the helicopter crash by burying it or ignoring it. Even though some Okinawa-based correspondents reported the event to their Tokyo headquarters, the story was not picked up, the group said, adding that none of the national TV networks, with the exception of Nippon Television Network Corporation (NTV), responded to its questionnaire.

“Although there was such news on the same day, a helicopter crash could have made big news if it had happened in a university campus in Tokyo,” said Kenichi Asano, a journalism professor at Doshisha University in Kyoto. The Japanese media “do not give equal treatment to Okinawa at all,” he said.

Okinawa had been under the U.S. control until it reverted back to Japan in 1972, though “it is still treated as if it were a colony,” according to Asano.

Moreover, not only was the crash newsworthy, but the fact that the U.S. military prohibited government officials, the local police and journalists from entering the crash site should have made headlines, said Asano, a former reporter for Kyodo News Service who served as its bureau chief in Jakarta, Indonesia.

Of four major dailies, the helicopter crash was reported on the front page of The Asahi Shimbun and the Mainichi Shimbun on Aug. 14, however, neither ran follow-up stories on the front page the next day. The stories of the accident were not front-page material for the Yomiuri Shimbun or the Sankei Shimbun. Yomiuri ran a small piece on government reaction on page four and an account of the accident on page 31, while six pages were dedicated to Olympic coverage. Sankei also buried the accident, but on page 27, and gave their stories of the international athletic event five pages.

Isihara’s group’s research, however, showed that the helicopter crash in Okinawa grabbed relatively more attention in local media in prefectures that host U.S. military bases or Japan’s Self-Defense Forces, and in Nagasaki and Hiroshima, where the U.S. dropped atomic bombs 60 years ago.

Since the Futenma Air Station is located in the middle of residential areas and schools, many Okinawans have long called for its closure. In fact, the U.S. and Japan did promise in 1996 to relocate the air station within the next five to seven years. In November 2003, when U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld visited Okinawa, he was surprised to see the bases’s central location from his plane, and conceded the dangerousness.

Those who live near the Futenma Air Station have been long put into a dangerous situation, said Masao Kishimoto, president of the Okinawa Times. “Then that accident took place. I believe it had a strong impact on public opinion.”

Not surprisingly, Okinawans, including Gov. Keiichi Inamine, and two major papers on the island — the Okinawa Times and the Ryukyu Shimpo — strongly opposed the return of U.S. Marine Corps helicopters to the air station after duties in Iraq, while the Marines issued a press release one day before the return, saying “The United States government and the American people are proud of these Okinawa-based servicemen and women, many of whom sacrificed greatly. Their return is a homecoming after a job well done. We hope that the people of Japan can join us in welcoming them back.”

When a squadron of helicopters returned to the island on April 1, the Marine Corps limited the coverage of their return to only Yomiuri, Sankei, Kyodo News, NHK and one local TV station. The two local papers as well as Asahi and Mainichi were excluded. Both Yomiuri and Sankei, however, did not run a story of the event.

When Ryukyu Shimpo reporter Takumi Takimoto, a press club member representing those who cover Okinawa politics, said such discrimination affects Okinawans’ right to know. When he asked the Marines why they discriminated against local news outlets, 1st Lt. Eric C. Tausch, the Marines’ media relations officer, responded to the reporter in an e-mail message.

U.S. Marine Corps selections for news coverage of the event “were based on diversity of news medium (TV, newspaper, wire service) and origin (national, local and U.S.), as well as the size and scope of audience/circulation,” Lt. Tausch explained. “Considering these factors, we invited news agencies with which we have established solid, professional working relationships with and have a reputation for providing fair and balanced news coverage.”

Takimoto countered that “fair coverage” is not made possible when they are not allowed to cover an event and hear what the U.S. military wants to say. He was told that the local newspapers could pick up wire stories, but he insisted that local papers see and report occurrences from a local angle, much differently than national dailies.

“When important information is not opened to people in Okinawa, that puts the residents at a disadvantage,” said Takimoto.

The U.S. military stationed on Okinawa seems to be dissatisfied with how they are treated by the Japanese media, according to Takimoto.

He said the Americans want the media to cover how they contribute to local residents through charities and volunteer work, making an effort to be “good neighbors.” His paper has occasionally covered such events while also running a series of stories about soil contamination caused by the U.S. military.

Which events or occurrences his paper focuses on “depends on how much impact on residents’ lives” events have, Takimoto explained.

American bases on Okinawa cover about 20 percent of the main island. This forward deployment has played a key role in U.S. military strategy in East Asia. But to the Japanese islanders, the U.S. military presence means crowding, government subsidies, an oppressive burden, and occasional accidents and crimes involving American service personnel.

The U.S. and Japanese governments have long failed to deal with the issues of the U.S. military presence, critics and Okinawans said. Although the administration of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has repeatedly claimed the issues are “one of the most important,” the premier has done nothing, they said, adding that the Japanese mainstream media have not advanced public debate on the issues.

For example, the U.S. and Japanese governments have decided to construct an alternate facility to the Futenma Air Station near the east bay of Nago, a northern Okinawa city. The plan has met adamant opposition from islanders, anti-base activists and international environmental groups. The environmentalists say the construction will destroy coral reefs and sea-grass beds and threaten the survival of dugongs. And perhaps most importantly, the base could cost Japanese taxpayers about 1 trillion yen ($10 billion). However, critics and activists say the major media outlets have downplayed this controversial plan. The public relations department of the Yomiuri Shimbun’s Tokyo headquarters insisted when questioned that the paper “reports local residents’ voice[s] accordingly.”

“Issues concerning the U.S. military on Okinawa have been only local news these 10 years. The Japanese mainstream media have never put them on the agenda,” said Asano, of Doshisha University. “It seems those who work for the media think they should not imagine Japanese society or Okinawa without the U.S. military.”

“Although that is reality, it is journalism that [should] still make an issue of it. There is no such attitude” among the media, according to Asano.

The issues of the U.S. military presence on the island had not captured world attention until a 12-year-old local girl was raped by three U.S. servicemen 10 years ago. But it was only after the U.S. media’s intense coverage of the incident and Okinawans’ protests against the U.S. military that Japanese major dailies gradually increased their reporting on Okinawa.

On Sept. 8, 1995, four days after the incident, the Ryukyu Shimpo decided to break the story after local police identified three suspects. On the following day, the Okinawa Times and Mainichi ran a story of the incident. though Mainichi did so on page 27. Asahi first reported it on page 18 of its Sept. 14 evening edition, while Yomiuri buried its first report on page 34 on Sept. 15, 11 days after the girl was raped.

“I still cannot understand why the media here did not report it. I still cannot understand that,” Mary Jordan, a Tokyo correspondent for the Washington Post at the time, said in a 1998 interview.

As soon as Jordan heard of the incident, she flew to Okinawa from Tokyo and wrote a story. The Post first reported it on Sept. 20.

The four major Japanese dailies primarily focused on conflicts between Okinawa and Tokyo since the rape incident prompted then-Okinawa Gov. Masahide Ota to refuse to renew leases on U.S. military installations on the island. But less attention was given to the rape incident itself or the issues surrounding the U.S. military presence.

Still, today the Japanese media fail to highlight the issues, said Koichi Makishi, an architect and author in Okinawa.

“The media call them the issues of Okinawa. They are wrong. The issues are Japan’s problems. The Japanese public needs to consider the issues to be our own problems,” he said. “It is journalism that sets the stage for the public to think about the issues. Journalists should dig up accurate information about them and transmit it to the public. The Japanese mainstream media, however, have no such attitudes. They just report government announcements as they are.”

Ota, now a Social Democratic Party member of the upper house of the Japanese parliament, agreed.

The mainstream media “don’t report the plight of Okinawa at all,” he said. Ota, who has a master’s degree in journalism, added that Japanese journalists also fail to make government leaders held accountable for their statements.

Week In Review

04.18.05
Takeover Battle Ends in TV/Web Convergence Plan

From The Asahi Shimbun: Fuji TV will take control of Nippon Broadcasting System Inc. after a costly compromise with Internet portal Livedoor Co. on April 17. Sources said Livedoor will sell back its shares in radio broadcaster Nippon Broadcasting, which stand at more than 50 percent, to Fuji TV for 140 billion yen ($1.3 billion), an amount greater than the takeover price. The TV broadcaster will then own a 15 percent stake in Livedoor. The development apparently ends the controversial takeover battle between the companies. Although Fuji executives recoiled at the idea of allowing Livedoor a profit on the deal, they decided they had no other choice after a bitter battle. The two companies plan to create a committee in charge of planning an integration of Internet use and broadcasting. This convergence opportunity was the goal of Livedoor President Takafumi Horie in battling for Nippon Broadcasting.
— By Japan Media Review Managing Editor Shellie Branco
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04.17.05
Group to Post Controversial History Book on Web

From The Korea Times: The Japanese Society of History, a right-wing group, has decided to post a fully translated version of a controversial middle school history textbook online. The society said the Web site will carry the literature in Chinese and Korean to enable people to read it before denouncing it as misleading or incorrect. Fusosha, a middle school textbook, is named after its publisher, Fuso Publishing Co. The book, approved by the Japanese government, has been criticized as “[whitewashing] Japan’s colonial-era brutalities when it was first published in 2001.” The new version, which the Japanese government approved earlier this month, faces scathing criticism from South Korea and China for “justifying Japan’s colonial expansion and glossing over atrocities such as forced labor and sexual slavery.”
— By Japan Media Review Contributing Writer Aarthi Sivaraman
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04.12.05
PSP Users Enable Chat, Web Features

From The Daily Yomiuri: The Sony PlayStation Portable, newly released in the United States, is being used for more than just gaming and video features. PSP users are hacking their way onto the Internet directly through the system’s wireless technology. One user, Robert Balousek, wrote an open-source chat program that takes advantage of a PSP game, called “Wipeout Pure,” that uses a Web browser. Balousek is now devising a way for AOL Instant Messenger and MSN Messenger customers to use PSPs to chat as well. Since Balousek first put his project online April 1, the Web site has received more than 250,000 visitors. PSP users in Japan have used their devices for non-gaming purposes too, using the imaging capability to upload comics.
— By Japan Media Review Associate Editor Erica Ogg
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04.11.05
Web Site Seeks to Repair Japanese-Russian Political Ties

From The Asahi Shimbun: The Tokyo Foundation, a nonprofit Japanese policy advisory group, is attempting to bring Japanese and Russians together through a Web site devoted to divisive regional issues. The site promotes the Japanese perspective in the Russian language through expert analysis and opinion. One of the main issues the site highlights is the decades-long dispute over four islands taken from Japan by the former Soviet Union following World War II. The site has already received requests from Russia to increase the level of analysis. One of the site’s advisory editors, Shigeki Hakamada, wrote recently that he hopes the project will lead to an eventual treaty between the two nations.
– By Japan Media Review Associate Editor Erica Ogg
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04.10.05
Top Two NBS Officials Leave After Takeover

From The Japan Times via Asia Media: The president and vice president of Nippon Broadcasting Systems plan to leave the company in June, company sources said. President Akinobu Kamebuchi and his number two, Kunio Amai, will leave the radio broadcaster when their contracts expire in June, according to sources, taking the blame for the company’s recent hostile takeover by Livedoor Co. Livedoor, an Internet services provider, purchased a controlling stake in NBS last month after a protracted fight to acquire Fuji Television, NBS’s parent company. It is also expected that Livedoor will replace more than half of the NBS board of directors when Kamebuchi and Amai leave in June.
– By Japan Media Review Associate Editor Erica Ogg
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04.09.05
Online Media Pioneer Prepares Students in Aftermath of Digital Revolution

From The Asahi Shimbun: Tokyo-based Digital Hollywood University is turning students and professionals into digital content entrepreneurs. Founded by Tomoyuki Sugiyama 10 years ago, the school recently added new departments to train producers and directors to create and distribute online content, as Sugiyama says the Japanese media and entertainment industries need people who can work across all disciplines. He attended the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in the 1980s and returned home to a Japan trying to embrace a vast array of new technology without anyone who could use it. “Back then, only a few talented people were able to use the Internet,” Sugiyama said. “I wanted ordinary people to learn how to become [Web] creators.” More than 30,000 of his students have entered multimedia production over the last 10 years, thanks to the explosion of digital content distribution avenues: cell phones, broadband, and vehicle navigation systems.
–By Japan Media Review Associate Editor Erica Ogg
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